張五常教授已解答今年高考關於禁煙的題目,我的文章的程度也不過如此,政府可否借調些"outstanding students"至禁煙辦﹖
(a) The student is expected to run down the standard divergence-between-private-and-social-costs argument and show how society may gain or lose as a result of this new law.
It is virtually impossible to show whether the social gains are greater or smaller than the social costs in this case, because there is no guideline to properly estimate these gains and costs. When people are not asked or not required to pay, as they do in the market, any such estimate is not reliable.
(b) The relevance of the Coase Theorem here is that if the right to smoke or the right of not getting health damage from smokers is clearly delineated, then market transactions between smokers and non-smokers would occur to settle the divergence. However, given the presence of transaction costs—in this case very high indeed—such market transactions would not occur. The outstanding students, however, would perhaps point out that some restaurants choose to allow smoking, while some prohibit smoking, based on their respective judgements on whichever smoking policy would generate a higher income. In this case, the divergence between private and social costs would in fact be handled through the market, requiring no imposition of the no-smoking law.
(c) The government’s defence must be the costs of no driving being higher than the gains from no emissions. However, since such estimates are also virtually impossible, whatever the government says would have more to do with politics than economics. No politicians in the present world could expect to survive in their positions if they advocate a law prohibiting driving.
轉載自張五常教授blog
5 則留言:
這個其實是一個需求彈性的問題
二手煙的長期害處已獲醫學界確認(請參考世衛,CDC等的報告),但由於短期效應並不明顯,加上對二手煙的長期害處認知不足,結果多數市民會因為怕麻煩(節省尋找非吸煙食肆的時間,還有尋找時候牽涉的機會成本)而被逼光顧允許吸煙的食肆,市民們對於非吸煙食肆的需求彈性便會比較高.
反之,煙民們基於成癮(對香煙產生依賴)的關係,多會願意多花時間尋找允許吸煙的食肆,結果對於允許吸煙的食肆的需求彈性自然比較低
食肆為求增加收益自然會選擇偏向照顧需求彈性低的煙民的需要,結果允許吸煙的食肆越來越多,非煙民尋找非吸煙食肆的時間和機會成本也會增加,也自然增加對於非吸煙食肆的需求彈性,最後形成惡性循環.
其實這是禁煙法例完全未實行之前(連非吸煙區也沒有的時候)的實況,明顯與煙民和非煙民的比例完全脫節(當年全香港不會有90%的人是煙民吧....)
所以如果現在是要給餐廳選擇"全店禁煙"或"全店吸煙"的話,大部分都會選擇"全店吸煙"的.至於那些跨國連鎖快餐店,"全店禁煙"的考慮因素都是營銷策略居多(挑選顧客群的需要)
匿名君:
君之分析有趣,或許這便是市場選擇下,"禁煙店"較"非禁煙店"少的原因,而這亦反映現行"全面禁煙"(不太準確,但姑且稱之)的錯誤。
如君所說,非吸煙者(包括本人)對吸二手煙的反感(dis-utility),其實較吸煙者因吸煙而帶來的滿足(utility)細。如此,則"全面禁煙"令社會總功用減少。
君對禁煙店和非禁煙店的比例跟"煙民和非煙民的比例完全脫節"的理解錯誤。禁煙店和非禁煙店的比例應跟禁煙店和非禁煙店的需求(或功用)有關(其實君前段之分析已經說了,實不應在此犯錯),而非兩者之人數。
以一簡單例子說明,假設只得一所食店,九個煙民願多付一元享受清新空氣,一個煙民願多付十元吸煙,則該店應為非禁煙店。有限資源下,有效分配根據實際願付的金額而非口說需要的人數。
當然,我相信君是支持"全面禁煙"的,所以開首己經說了非煙民的需求彈性高是"認知不足"所致。認知不足,政府可多作宣傳(事實上已經宣傳了不短時間),以認知不足作管制理由,是很危險的。
食店是私產,與君之居所無異,不能說有人光顧,政府便將之作為"公眾場所",橫加管制,這是重點。
黃兄:
請教一些吸煙經濟學問題:
假設政府全面禁止售煙(我不同意),並付出相當警力以防私煙買賣,其理由是吸煙危害健康,引致公共醫療費用上升(政府有清楚統計數據支持),變相損害公共資源。此是假設政府對有病煙民,一樣提供廉價公共醫療,若然見病不救,道德成本太重,可引致官員下台。
法例執行後果:
Social Gain: 節省公共醫療資源,再扣除警力及執行費,政府有淨收益。
Private Cost:損害煙民自由(但此自由沒有市價,無法量化)
經濟學者會否因為有實質Social Gain而同意法例執行呢,又他們是如何處理道德成本呢 ?
波蘿游君:
請教是言重,君之問題也有趣,值得研究。
吸煙引致公共醫療費用上升,公共醫療不單由吸煙者付鈔,即有所謂私人與公共成本之分歧。
若吸煙引致額外的公共醫療費用能量化,將有關費用以徵稅形式向吸煙者收回便成。例如每包煙令公共醫療費用上升$10,將之加在煙的售價上,則不願意付出者得戒煙、願付者亦已為其行為所引來的額外成本負責。
將資源有效分配,給予市民選擇最為重要。若某項行為引致"額外",應以徵稅向有關人士收回,不應輕言施禁。
經濟學上,自由是有市價的。君試想想,大家於公司工作,某程度是將工作時間的自由出售。當然,某些自由的價格可以很高。
黃兄:
對,我忘了已經徵稅.
以煙民每日兩包煙,每包抽稅$10,四十年間,他已付了三十萬稅,應該可以支付額外醫療了.
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